gma-012.jpgphilippines_people_power_pr.jpgphilippines_people_power_pr.jpgphilippines_people_power_pr.jpgphilippines_people_power_pr.jpgAdopted by the 9th BISIG National Congress

24 May 2003

 

I.        The ideologues of capitalism and neo-liberalism still insist on gloating and bluffing over the supposed “failure of socialism” and “crisis of the left”. It is impossible for them to understand that this so-called crisis is but a mere temporary retreat of socialist praxis.

II.           “Socialism-In-One-Country” is a result of capitalist Industrial Revolution that started in the late 1800s. This form of socialism has taught us that it is possible to sever from the weakest links of modern imperialism’s chain, and that accelerated growth in the medium-term is possible even amidst modern imperialism’s resolute attacks. However, this form of socialism also taught us that severe bureaucratization serves as a brake to unimpeded economic, social and cultural development. “Socialism-In-One-Country” has clearly put forward the imperative for a “democracy of the proletariat”, rather than the Party incarnating itself-as-the-proletariat.

III.           Through all its failures, this type of socialism should also be seen objectively as the first decisive round in the class and social struggle against private appropriation of profits, thus Capital. The unsustainability and subsequent failure of “Socialism-In-One-Country” is an objectively necessary retreat, in other words, a preparation for the next round of renewed socialist offensive.

IV.      After the Industrial Revolution comes the modern Scientific and Technological Revolution. This new revolution signifies a qualitatively different revolution in productive forces, including the attendant revolution in the realm of the market, and revolution in finance capital. Globalization is a catch-all term for this ongoing revolution in modern human society.

V.           Globalization stresses that-the accelerated development of productive forces or the ever-expanding socialization of labor on a global scale more and more becomes incompatible with the private appropriation of the fruits of labor-the capitalist appropriation of profit. The recent failures of economic neo-liberalism through (1) overproduction and (2) tendency of the rates of profits to fall forces capitalist ideologues to grope in the dark. Simply put, capitalist globalization is itself threatening the very stability and legitimacy of international capitalism, compelling it to overextend the coercive arm of the modern capitalist-imperialist empire to stave off overproduction and falling rates of profit.

VI.           Socialists are obliged to engage in careful and rigorous reading of the current conjuncture of international capitalism, and assiduously prepare for the next wave of rupture in the elite-hegemonized political society. A most notable question is the accelerated expansion of the ranks of the proletariat; large sections of the bourgeoisie keep on falling into the ranks of the proletariat and objectively identify with the latter’s class and social interests. Amidst the incessant immesirization of the proletariat, globalization also unleashed a cultural revolution of sorts, enabling the further intellectualization and globalization of the proletariat. More and more, the proletariat converges with humanity, making it necessary to complement class struggle with that of humanity-gender, environment, ethnicity, generational, and other compelling social issues of humanity.

VII.           Globalization also quickly alters society’s superstructures. We are now witness to qualitative changes in state forms, culture, ideology. New state forms appear side by side with the nation-state-most especially the transnational corporations. Even as socialist internationalism and solidarity are the order of the day, the resiliency of the nation-state forces socialist forces to decisively deal with their respective elites.

VIII.    The nation-state still proves to be the most resilient and most reliable state form for the bourgeoisie’s economic exploitation, political oppression, and socio-cultural hegemony. The modern US nation-state, born out of the Anglo-Saxon racism and the bourgeoisie’s thirst for super-profits, has now strengthened its position as the sole, dominant, and formidable base for modern imperialism-the world’s sole “superpower”, most especially in military terms. Under the pretext of a “global war against terror”, US imperialism’s efforts to reverse its crisis of legitimacy and imperial overextension only serves to aggravate humanity’s slide to disaster and even extinction. Thorough-going socialist internationalism and solidarity with all progressive forces worldwide hold the key from preventing the US nation-state from obliterating humanity.

IX.           Overall, political praxis-or the decisive wrestle with the state question-is now the standard issue of the day. The nation-state still remains as the main institution for organizing society and for class oppression-this is the main thing. However, the nation-state is experiencing convulsions with the on-going revolution on productive forces. In many societies today where political ruptures have yet to develop, the state does not yet appear solely as highly organized tool for class coercion. One of the state’s weakest links are the state organs at the local levels. Socialists incursions into these weak links can be combined with strong pressures in the national level (not to mention, with the international state formations, too, like WTO and IMF/WB).

X.       It is possible and extremely necessary for socialists to lay the foundations of socialist governance before the rupture in political society. We should demonstrate that our incursions on the local state apparatus result to efficient “socialist administration of things”, while employing counter-hegemony in the realm of “state legitimacy” and “state coercion”. In the same vein, our actions in all areas of political society would amount to nothing if we won’t strike deep solidarity and coordinated actions with those of other nations-both with the more economically developed and less developed economies.

XI.      We have no right to insist on socialist rupture if we are incapable of laying down the very foundations of socialism in political society-especially, socialist culture-at this moment of “bourgeois” peace. Socialism must be won even before the actual socialist revolution!

XII.     The so-called “crisis of socialism” is but a hollow defeatist theme; the only permeating crisis is a “crisis of interpretation”. The international proletariat can find no more justifications (like sectarianism and vanguardism) to be chastised by its incoherent efforts; capitalist globalization lays down the very fertile grounds for united and resolute political praxis. More than ever, the fusion of the proletariat with humanity is becoming more and more crystal clear. We, socialists, are obliged to proudly declare-Struggle for Socialism! Onward with Socialism

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